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facebook twitter instagram soundcloud spotify vimeo youtube home articles watch photography video listen playlists podcasts magazine current issue all issues contributors about the mag books features reviews extracts directory events alborada events alborada-supported events london diary support about shop home josé polanco 2017-10-06t04:43:53+00:00 observing venezuela’s election and the myths around it by jeremy fox | 2018-05-31t12:04:16+00:00 31/may/2018 | an official observer to venezuela’s presidential election on 20 may addresses some of the media-generated myths that are rooted in opposition to a chavismo project which improved the lives of millions. if there’s such a thing as a ‘nation non grata’, venezuela in its current political configuration would be near the top of the list on both sides of the north atlantic. from the moment when hugo chávez first won the presidency in 1998 – he was twice re-elected and died in office in 2013 – western governments and the media viewed him with a combination of alarm and contempt. charismatic, leftwing, deeply hostile to neoliberalism, chávez made clear that his aim was to transform venezuela’s social, economic and political landscape. at the core of his domestic programme lay a determination to provide the two-thirds of the population then living below the un official poverty line with access to health care, education and the prospect of a dignified life. revenues from oil during a period of high world prices furnished the necessary funds and, as un human development reports show, the programme achieved some, at least, of its initial objectives. internationally, chávez aimed to reduce, if not eliminate, what he felt to be the economic and the political domination of his country by the united states. he collaborated with other like-minded governments in latin america to achieve the same at continental level. he called his political programme the ‘bolivarian revolution’ and even changed the country’s formal name to the ‘bolivarian republic of venezuela’ in honour of simón bolívar, the great 19th century leader of south america’s independence from spain. romantic certainly, but a permanent reminder that independence – the right of a nation to choose its own destiny lay, and continues to lie – at the heart of the chavista project. for some within the country, the bolivarian revolution has always been an anathema. an attempt to unseat chávez by force in 2002 nearly succeeded. it was foiled by the army, which has remained a stout defender of the country’s democracy. nicolás maduro, chávez’s successor, has met with a different kind of resistance: street violence and calls from opponents for the united states to help topple maduro and his ‘regime’. maduro is a substantial figure, with an impressive command of the stage, but he came to power during an economic downturn brought on by a dramatic fall in the price of oil. he won the 2013 election – with a very narrow majority – to cries of fraud from the supporters of his rightwing opponent, henrique capriles. without the oil revenues that had financed chávez’s social policies, venezuela’s ill-balanced economy, with its heavy dependence on oil, became evident. imports of food, medicines and consumer goods fell away, creating shortages that severely affected the less well-off. devaluation of the national currency, the bolívar, began then and has continued at an increasingly rapid pace. at the time of writing, the unofficial exchange rate is one million bolívares to one us dollar, down from 250 thousand bolívares a month ago. tomorrow there may observing venezuela’s election and the myths around it by jeremy fox | 2018-05-31t12:04:16+00:00 31/may/2018 | an official observer to venezuela’s presidential election on 20 may addresses some of the media-generated myths that are rooted in opposition to a chavismo project which improved the lives of millions. if there’s such a thing as a ‘nation non grata’, venezuela in its current political configuration would be near the top of the list on both sides of the north atlantic. from the moment when hugo chávez first won the presidency in 1998 – he was twice re-elected and died in office in 2013 – western governments and the media viewed him with a combination of alarm and contempt. charismatic, leftwing, deeply hostile to neoliberalism, chávez made clear that his aim was to transform venezuela’s social, economic and political landscape. at the core of his domestic programme lay a determination to provide the two-thirds of the population then living below the un official poverty line with access to health care, education and the prospect of a dignified life. revenues from oil during a period of high world prices furnished the necessary funds and, as un human development reports show, the programme achieved some, at least, of its initial objectives. internationally, chávez aimed to reduce, if not eliminate, what he felt to be the economic and the political domination of his country by the united states. he collaborated with other like-minded governments in latin america to achieve the same at continental level. he called his political programme the ‘bolivarian revolution’ and even changed the country’s formal name to the ‘bolivarian republic of venezuela’ in honour of simón bolívar, the great 19th century leader of south america’s independence from spain. romantic certainly, but a permanent reminder that independence – the right of a nation to choose its own destiny lay, and continues to lie – at the heart of the chavista project. for some within the country, the bolivarian revolution has always been an anathema. an attempt to unseat chávez by force in 2002 nearly succeeded. it was foiled by the army, which has remained a stout defender of the country’s democracy. nicolás maduro, chávez’s successor, has met with a different kind of resistance: street violence and calls from opponents for the united states to help topple maduro and his ‘regime’. maduro is a substantial figure, with an impressive command of the stage, but he came to power during an economic downturn brought on by a dramatic fall in the price of oil. he won the 2013 election – with a very narrow majority – to cries of fraud from the supporters of his rightwing opponent, henrique capriles. without the oil revenues that had financed chávez’s social policies, venezuela’s ill-balanced economy, with its heavy dependence on oil, became evident. imports of food, medicines and consumer goods fell away, creating shortages that severely affected the less well-off. devaluation of the national currency, the bolívar, began then and has continued at an increasingly rapid pace. at the time of writing, the unofficial exchange rate is one million bolívares to one us dollar, down from 250 thousand bolívares a month ago. tomorrow there may colombia’s election paradox by juan mario díaz | 2018-05-31t12:03:57+00:00 23/may/2018 | although the political right is heading polls in colombia’s upcoming election, the potential for a progressive president committed to peace, wealth redistribution and the environment is greater than any time in the last 70 years. in the 1980s, colombia’s bipartite parliamentary system appeared to contradict a latin american subcontinent largely ruled by military dictatorships. this prompted robert dix to write that ‘colombia is a paradox, difficult to classify and generally lacking in the kind of political innovations that tend to attract the foreign or comparative scholar, or the foreign press.’ [1] a year later, the concept of paradox was also advanced by the commission of studies of violence in colombia (1987) to explain the coexistence of violence and a tradition of democratic elections. as ricardo peñaranda put it, ‘[a] country that prides itself on having the most consistent civic and democratic tradition in latin america is the very country that has the most persistent and prolonged guerrilla history in the hemisphere. in colombia, democracy and violence have coexisted for a long time, until the two phenomena have become, paradoxically, two faces of the same coin.’ [2] the concept of paradox returned to the fore two years ago as various articles commented on the contrast between, on the one hand, international and colombian civil society endorsement of the peace plebiscite and, on the other, internal indifference and rejection of it. recently, it has been used again to discuss the possibility that presidential elections on 27 may could deliver a new president unlikely to follow through on the peace accords with the revolutionary armed forces of colombia (farc) or continue similar talks with the national liberation army (eln). amid the atmosphere of polarisation that surrounded the peace referendum and now engulfs the presidential campaigns, three elements seem to determine a significant shift in popular opinion towards leading presidential candidates: namely, the future of the peace process, the socio-economic model of development and the question of security, transparency and justice. to what extent does the concept of paradox help understand the relationship between politics and violence in colombia? the candidates following the congressional elections of march 2018, opinion polls for the presidential election put former president Álvaro uribe’s proxy candidate, iván duque, in the lead (45 per cent), followed by former congressman and bogota mayor gustavo petro (27.3 per cent). trailing them are former medellin mayor sergio fajardo (10.7 per cent), ex-vice president germán vargas lleras (6.3 per cent) and the lead government negotiator during the peace process with the farc, humberto de la calle (5 per cent). despite steadily gaining in latest polls, fajardo’s and de la calle’s failure to consolidate a centre-alternative alliance has anchored them to the bottom of the polls. vargas lleras’s attempts to underplay his past radical profile and promise to expand the country’s infrastructure, has seen the centre-right candidate displace an unconvincing fajardo from third place. the principal shift during the presidential campaign has been the reduction of the gap that initially separated duque and petro. the antagonism between petro and duque’s documentary: el diario de agustin (agustin's newspaper) / with english subtitles from alborada on vimeo . documentary: el diario de agustín (agustin’s newspaper) by alborada staff | 2018-05-23t12:46:01+00:00 19/april/2018 | el diario de agustín (agustin’s newspaper) 80mins, 2008, ignacio aguero a group of students at the university of chile investigate how chile’s most influential newspaper el mercurio and its owner, media mogul agustín edwards, colluded to overthrow the salvador allende government and then manipulated information to hide human rights violations carried out during pinochet’s dictatorship. ‘agustin’s newspaper’ is the first film that dares to touch upon the power of el mercurio and agustín edwards and exposes their relationship with the us government. read more about ‘el diario de agustín’ here: pinochet’s press gang ( nick macwilliam / alborada magazine ) extract: blood barrios by alborada staff | 2018-04-27t08:39:44+00:00 2/april/2018 | an exclusive extract from blood barrios by alberto arce, discussing the violence which engulfs honduras. a little known war san pedro sula hasn’t always been where it is. centuries ago spanish colonialists, wanting to protect the city from constant pirate attacks, decided to move it. today, the city is in the north of the country, about an hour from the caribbean coast. san pedro sula is organized in a grid running more horizontal than vertical; like most colonial cities, it has no skyscrapers. outside of the city center, urbanism grows in concentric circles of poverty and marginalization, neighborhoods divorced from the downtown by highways. according to a mathematician friend of mine, these isolated barrios have levels of violence and homicide that would – if there were the slightest fall in the birthrate – completely depopulate the city in eighty-seven years. the three-hour ride from tegucigalpa to the sula valley is best done, for safety reasons, during the day. to get through the drive you have to manage traffic jams, climb over mountains, speed by an american military base, cruise through a few prairies, eat fish at lake yojoa, and, in the final stretch, hit a twenty-kilometer straightaway that spits you into a stunning view of the most beautiful and violent city in honduras. *** the mayor of san pedro sula, juan carlos zúñiga, a stout and elegant young man with a finely groomed beard, used to be a surgeon. he doesn’t hesitate to recognize that his city is threatened by a violence the authorities are incapable of combating. moving the entire city again wouldn’t even work; the violence in honduras is inescapable. my interview with the mayor is brief and formulaic. zúñiga is tired of hearing the epithet, “most dangerous city in the world,” and tries to focus on details. he does what he can, according to the manual of international cooperation, which urges him to follow certain protocols and take specified actions, but which, so far, hasn’t helped. surrounded by aides and sitting in his office on an ugly, beat-up sofa (which i read as an attempt to present a welcoming vibe) the mayor, like a broken record, churns out statistics and name-drops public projects so mechanically that once he mentions the second shelter for runaway kids, i zone out and start rereading my notes. and my notes, i find, are full of dead bodies: in honduras there are between eighty-five and ninety-one homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, depending on the local or international count. this is the favorite statistic for journalists who love to define honduras as “the most dangerous country in the world.” in san pedro sula there are 166 homicides a year per 100,000 inhabitants. this is another favorite statistic for journalists who love to define san pedro sula as “the most dangerous city in the world.” the world health organization defines violence as epidemic if there are more than eight homicides per 100,000 inhabitants. a typical european country, like spain, doesn’t reach one homicide per 100,000 inhabitants. journalists are pushed to report on sign up for our e-newsletter get the latest on events, special offers and news from alborada. best of the web: february 2018 by alborada staff | 2018-03-16t13:15:06+00:00 2/march/2018 | our monthly selection of the best articles on latin america from around the internet. 1) why is nicaragua’s homicide rate so far below that of its central american neighbors? (roberto lovato/the nation) it’s the revolution, stupid—which fostered innovative policing, along with the dedicated work of community organizers and women activists. 2) 8 reasons to oppose the lula decision (national coordination of the homeless workers movement) brazil’s homeless workers’ movement (mtst) gives eight reasons why lula’s conviction was unjust. 3) the strategic challenge for the latin american left (rafael correa/telesur english) mass-media has become the main opposition to the progressive governments of the region. 4) land and liberty: a review of anarchism in latin america (sasha berkman/black rose anarchist federation) anarchism in latin america is at its most compelling when it recounts, at breakneck pace, the lives of the revolutionaries who managed to fit what seems like several lifetimes of work into one. towering figures such as the spanish-born anarchist diego abad de santillan who moved to argentina at a young age loom large across several decades and numerous countries. 5) is mexico the most dangerous country on earth? (belén fernández/al jazeera english) or does it just suffer from the misfortune of being a neighbour of the us? 6) two wings of the same bird – puerto rico, cuba, hurricanes and political prisoners (diana block/counterpunch) a puerto rican and a cuban freedom fighter sharing a cell was a twenty-first century manifestation of the historical bonds between the two islands, eloquently expressed in the lines that puerto rican poet lola rodriguez de tió wrote in 1893: cuba and puerto rico are as two wings of the same bird, they receive flowers and bullets into the same heart . 7) wsj’s epic distortion of colombian and venezuelan refugees (joe emersberger/fairness and accuracy in reporting) colombia is a humanitarian and human rights disaster, and has been for decades, in very large part due to its close alliance with the united states. thanks to wikileaks, we know that us officials privately acknowledged estimates that hundreds of thousands of people were murdered by right-wing paramilitaries, and that the killings have nearly wiped out some indigenous groups. 8) a repressive status quo (ramona wadi/nacla) as chile’s president-elect sebastian piñera promises to perfect its anti-terror laws, repression against the mapuche people seems likely to increase during his second presidential term. 9) costa rica: is the far right poised for victory? (mike gatehouse/latin america bureau) the country has become famous for its wonderful natural beauty – home to nearly 6 per cent of the world’s biodiversity – and receives approximately 3 million tourists every year. so it may surprise many visitors that a candidate who promises to open the country to oil drilling and mining, could become the next president. documentary 10) the stories of women in prison for drug related crimes (wola) this series of short films about women imprisoned for drug offenses in mexico documents the human cost of current drug policies and the specific conditions by which these laws disproportionately impact women and their families. ignoring brazil’s left by brian mier | 2018-03-11t09:10:27+00:00 17/february/2018 | the current political crisis in brazil is the most sustained antidemocratic surge since the military dictatorship, as new book voices of the brazilian left painstakingly details. my new book, voices of the brazilian left , represents the culmination of 22 years living in brazil and interacting with people from the brazilian organised left, both as a development professional and as an activist journalist. the questions asked in the unstructured interviews with 15 union and social movement leaders, organic intellectuals and media critics that form the basis of the book were based on my learning through this long process of participant observation. in 2016 a corrupt, conservative brazilian congress impeached its first woman president, dilma rousseff. there was overwhelming evidence that what had just happened was illegal . shortly after taking office, president michel temer gave a speech at the corporate think tank as/coa (producer of americas quarterly ) in new york in which he said that president rousseff was impeached, not over the official accusations of a non-impeachable infraction called ‘fiscal peddling’, but because she failed to support his party’s washington consensus-style economic plan. in other words, the president himself publicly admitted that the impeachment was a sham. nevertheless, when rousseff was removed from office the messages in the northern media, repeated like mantra, were: the impeachment was a legal process ; brazil’s democratic institutions are working ; the brazilian people have won a victory in the fight against corruption. immediately after taking office, michel temer butchered public health and education spending while raising salaries for the corrupt judiciary that had put him in office by r$57 billion, and shelled r$1 trillion in tax abatement out to foreign oil companies. the northern media cheer-leading continued. it either categorically rejected the idea that what happened was a coup, or as in the case of the guardian , implied that it was something only the brazilian left believed had happened and put the word in quotation marks . as temer set labour rights back 70 years and his approval rating dropped to 4 per cent , a chorus of northern journalists with no formal training in economics gushed a new mantra : he’s unpopular, but he’s pushing through important economic reforms . there is no doubt that the so-called ‘pink tide’ of radical and centre-left governments that from the late-1990s spread throughout the region is being pushed back , supported by international capital and the us government . the rise of ultra-neoliberal governments is a continent-wide phenomenon that is not limited to brazil and not primarily a result of the ‘people’s frustration with corruption’, which seems to be the new us tactic for slandering democratically-elected governments with the collapse of moral authority on human rights issues and torture. the current brazilian government – which is rolling back decades of gains in women’s, afro-brazilian, environmental, indigenous, small farmers, and labour rights – is more a result of conservatives’ inability to win four consecutive democratic presidential elections than any kind of ecuador’s moreno wins referendum, but correa’s citizens’ revolution retains strong base by denis rogatyuk | 2018-02-18t01:01:19+00:00 9/february/2018 | while the immediate electoral challenge was lost, the campaign itself has created a new organisational base for defending the gains and achievements of the previous decade of progress and change. ecuador’s 4 february ‘popular consultation’ resulted in a victory for the government of president lenin moreno, with the yes option obtaining an average vote of 67 per cent across the seven questions included in the referendum. among the proposals put forward in the referendum initiated by moreno were: a ban on indefinite re-election, changing the structure of the council of citizen participation and social control (cpccs), and repealing the speculation superprofits tax levied on the sale of land properties and real estate introduced by previous left-wing president, rafael correa. at first glance, the result is a setback for correa, who led the no campaign alongside the newly formed citizens’ revolution movement (mcr), which is made up of pro-correa activists who split from the ruling pais alliance. correa and a majority of former pais alliance activists – view moreno as a ‘traitor’ . they say he has failed to honour his commitment to continue the policies of the pro-poor citizens’ revolution that was kick-started by correa’s election in 2007. they saw the popular consultation as a further attempt by moreno, who served as vice-president for six years under correa, to roll back some of the achievements and reforms of the citizens’ revolution. many also viewed it as a manoeuvre to ensure correa could not stand in the next presidential election, scheduled for 2021. the rightwing opposition – the vast majority of which actively campaigned for a yes vote – have hailed the result as a victory. breakdown of vote however, a closer look at the breakdown of the vote reveals some important details about the future challenges moreno faces if he chooses to continue down his current path of attempting to dismantle the legacy and achievements of the citizens’ revolution. while the no vote was primarily championed by correa and mcr activists, the yes campaign received the backing of almost all political parties and politicians, together with the support of the country’s private and newly-reformed public media. some of the key figures in the yes campaign included: right-wing guayaquil mayor jaime nebot; guillermo lasso, a corporate banker who was moreno’s main rival in last april’s presidential elections; and former presidents abdala bucaram and lucio gutierrez. the yes vote was also backed by some smaller left-wing parties. when breaking down the vote, analysts have generally attributed 28 per cent of the vote to lasso supporters, 16 per cent to nebot backers and 4.8 per cent and 0.7 per cent to bucaram and gutierrez followers, respectively. together with moreno supporters, who are estimated to have made up 2 per cent of the vote, this right-left alliance obtained 67 per cent of the vote. in contrast, the 33 per cent no vote can be directly attributed to the campaign run by correa and his supporters, effectively eclipsing the vote received by any single group backing the yes vote. despite a highly uneven political terrain, correa and his mcr continue to be uk sold spyware to honduran regime responsible for mass human rights abuses by pablo navarrete | 2018-02-10t11:28:21+00:00 8/february/2018 | the british government sold spying equipment worth more than £300,000 to the rightwing honduras regime implicated in widespread human rights abuses. the british government sold spying equipment worth more than £300,000 to the rightwing honduras regime implicated in mass human rights abuses, including the assassination of high-profile environmental activist berta caceres. the sale of the spyware came in the year preceding honduras’s november 2017 presidential election, which widely seen as stolen by the incumbent government of juan orlando hernández . since the election the government has violently repressed protests against the fraudulent result, with at least 40 people killed, 2,000 detained and reports of a campaign of violent intimidation of activists by the country’s security forces . in addition to the uk conservative government licensing more than £300,000 worth of spying equipment under standard individual export licences (siel), in the same one year period leading up to november’s election, they have also licensed an unknown amount of other equipment including decrypting technology on two open export licences (oiel), according to uk government figures provided by the uk-based campaign against arms trade (caat) . the british government department of international trade (dit) issues oiels to select companies so that they can sell continuously to a nation. significantly, under these licences the government does not disclose how much equipment was sold, but it is likely to be valued at significantly more than the £300,000 revealed so far. lloyd russell moyle, a labour member of parliament who sits on the commons committee for arms export control told alborada: ‘the british government has sold honduras monitoring and decrypting technology expressly designed to eavesdrop on its citizens, months before the state rounded up hundreds of people in a well orchestrated surveillance operation.’ he added: ‘british law is unambiguous. it says that the government cannot licence arms to nations that repress their own people. before the government licensed these weapons it knew that the security services of honduras were killing environmentalists, gay people and anyone in general who disagreed with them with impunity. it knew that the country had no independent judiciary, and it knew that honduras’s deadly prisons are filled with people who have not faced justice, and may of whom are unfree due to their political beliefs … i am not surprised the tories don’t give a fig for human rights abroad but, as a new mp, i’m frankly astonished that the government so flagrantly breaks its own arms export law.’ the uk government’s department of international trade (dit) was approached for comment on whether the british government can confirm whether any of the spyware sold has been used or implicated in human rights abuses or illegal activity by the honduran government. a dit spokesperson told alborada: ‘the government takes its arms export responsibilities very seriously operating one of the most robust arms export control regimes in the world.’ they added: ‘risks around human rights abuses are a key part of our licensing assessment. we do not export equipment where we assess there is a clear risk that it might be used for internal repression, or would provoke or prolong conflict within a country, or would be used aggressively against another country.’ human rights abuses in honduras have been endemic ever since a 2009 us-backed coup overthrew democratically-elected leftwing president manuel rex tillerson’s historic latin america trip by steve ellner | 2018-02-08t14:29:49+00:00 5/february/2018 | us secretary of state rex tillerson’s latin american tour may be without precedent in us diplomatic history, but it is perfectly compatible with washington’s worldwide strategy. never before has a top official in the us government travelled throughout latin america in such a well-publicised trip to gain support for measures against a nation in the region. tillerson’s latin american tour may be well received by reactionary and conservative heads of state (colombia, peru, argentina, brazil) but it is particularly objectionable for latin americans for various reasons: first, because it follows on the heels of an obviously rigged presidential election in honduras. the trump government refuses to recognise the legitimacy of the electoral process in venezuela at the same time that it validates the elections in honduras. tillerson said in colombia that there is no comparison between the elections in honduras and the to-be-held ones in venezuela, without explaining why. making no attempt to explain why the elections in honduras were legitimate, in spite of the fact that even the organisation of american states (oas) does not recognise the results, demonstrates a glaring aspect of the trump administration: its complete contempt for the truth. second, latinos fully agree that trump’s blatantly racist remarks about mexicans are not just insulting to the people of that nationality, but to all latin americans. third, because latin americans particularly object to members of the us capitalist class telling them what to do. when nelson rockefeller undertook his 20-nation ‘presidential mission’ in 1969 organised by the government of richard nixon, the trip turned into what a speech writer at the time called the ‘rocky horror road show’. anti-us protests, including violent confrontations with security forces, followed rockefeller throughout the continent. in argentina, 14 rockefeller-owned supermarkets were bombed and in venezuela, president rafael caldera told rockefeller to cancel his stay in that nation. tillerson is also a member of the capitalist class, not just a representative of it. for over three decades tillerson worked for exxon, which was formerly the rockefeller-owned standard oil of new jersey. for ten years of those three decades, he was exxon’s ceo. fourth, neither tillerson nor trump has made any effort to prove that the 2018 venezuelan presidential elections are illegitimate. washington’s position (as well as that of the conservative governments of spain and great britain) undermines the efforts at negotiations between the maduro government and the opposition. many believe that an agreement between the opposition and the government is venezuela’s best hope, as both sides lack the popular support necessary to ensure stability. trump’s position also pressures the parties of the opposition to pull out of the presidential race, even though many, if not most, of the opposition parties are intent on participating in them. critics can point to aspects of the venezuelan elections that do not accord to the spirit of democracy, such as the decision to hold them anticipatively. but there is a fundamental difference between objectionable electoral practices and rigged elections, such as those held in honduras and the 2000 us presidential elections (with best of the web: january 2018 by alborada staff | 2018-02-05t13:03:44+00:00 1/february/2018 | our monthly selection of the best articles on latin america from around the internet. 1) the rolling coup: how michel temer is turning brazil into a banana republic (brian mier/new socialist) the unravelling of the brazilian social welfare system and assault on human rights is an ongoing process. the coup is being enacted on brazilian workers on a daily basis and, in fact, is only just beginning. 2) honduras: the never-ending coup (jesse freeston/the real news) a special report for the real news on the hemisphere’s most controversial inauguration. 3) marichuy, mexico’s indigenous candidate: “my goal goes beyond being president” (angélica almazán/intercontinental cry) “we do not bring promises, we do not bring anything to give away, more than the heart, more than sweat, more than the effort of each day. it has been a difficult road because people no longer believe in anything and are tired of hearing promises. that is why we are not promising things. we are launching a call to the organization of society, to a union that goes beyond elections. this is the moment of youth, of childhood, of women. it is time for us to be aware that we can move forward together.” 4) why is the inter-american human rights system lagging on climate change? (juan auz/open global rights) the inter-american human rights system is an important tool for latin american human rights defenders, but why are the court and the commission lagging behind on climate change issues? 5) a deal with the devil: the fujimori pardon (jo-marie burt/nacla) peruvian president kuczynski’s humanitarian pardon for alberto fujimori, who was serving a 25-year sentence for human rights violations, was a quid pro quo to avoid impeachment. can it be revoked? 6) grounding the currents of indigenous resistence (alex wilson and praba pilar/red pepper) those joining the centuries-old indigenous resistence in the americas should discard eurocentric narratives, epistemic violence and salvation narratives. 7) meet the candidates (americas quarterly) a closer look at the leading candidates in this year’s presidential elections in costa rica, paraguay, colombia, mexico, brazil, cuba and venezuela. 8) murales rebeldes (paul von blum/truthdig) the artist had no intention of creating a pleasant visual appendage to capitalism. instead, his work was a stark critique of us imperialism and its devastating effects on indigenous populations. the centerpiece of ‘américa tropical’ featured a mexican-indian on a cross, capped by an intimidating us eagle. 9) el salvador’s worst shitholes are ‘made in america’ (roberto lovato/latino rebels) my journalist’s hiking boots still have leftover feces and dirt from the ultimate shitholes of el salvador: its mass graves. many of the thousands of graves that my sources there have mapped were dug by u.s.-trained and funded security forces in the 80s. most of the rest were dug more recently by l.a.based-gangs steadily deported to el salvador by u.s. immigration authorities since the 90s. 10) video – defiance of the mapuche (glenn ellis and guido bilbao/al jazeera english) visit our facebook and twitter pages for other content from the internet that we have shared but that has not been selected here. latin america’s grassroots and independent media by alborada staff | 2018-02-19t21:24:39+00:00 14/january/2018 | if you’re looking for a definitive list on latin america’s independent media, you’ve come to the right place. latin america’s grassroots media platforms are crucial to building social movements and resistance in the region. at alborada, we often get asked about other grassroots and independent media outlets, of which there are many. the majority, of course, publish in spanish or portuguese but if you don’t speak either of those languages, there are several excellent alternative latin america-focused media platforms that publish in english. below is a list of some of latin america’s most important alternative media sites. this is a work in progress so please feel free to get in touch with any that we have missed: info[at]alborada[at]net in english alternautas brasil wire colombia reports democracia abierta (principally in spanish but most articles are also published in english) latin america bureau the latin american review of books nacla the prisma (there is also a spanish-language version of the website) sounds and colours upside down world venezuela analysis in spanish/portuguese argentina barricada tv la batalla cultural m.a.f.i.a. nuestras voces red nacional de medios alternativos la vaca brazil brasil de fato nocaute outras palavras revista forum chile el ciudadano the clinic el desconcierto mafi (mapa fílmico de un país) resumen colombia colombia plural contagio radio pacifista prensa rural cuba cartas desde cuba mexico desinformémonos luchadoras radio zapatista venezuela cultura nuestra supuesto negado la tabla regional alainet minga informativa de movimientos sociales nodal prensa latina tierras de américa best of the web: december 2017 by alborada staff | 2018-01-04t16:12:59+00:00 2/january/2018 | our monthly selection of the best articles on latin america from around the internet. 1) the president of honduras is deploying u.s.-trained forces against election protesters (lee fang & danielle marie mackey/the intercept) honduran president juan orlando hernández, using the specter of rampant crime and the drug trade, won extensive support from the american government to build up highly trained state security forces. now, those same forces are repressing democracy. (shared on our facebook page here ) 2) human rights watch, while hawkish on venezuela, is quiet on violent repression and apparent coup in honduras (ben norton/alternet) honduras’ incumbent right-wing government has been accused of stealing the election, but human right watch’s kenneth roth is fixated on venezuela. (shared on our facebook page here ) 3) the voice of ocalan resonates in latin america (raul zibechi/the region) it has become a commonplace to say that the struggle of the kurds of northern syria has resonances with the zapatista movement. however, the thought of abdullah ocalan, as well as what has happened in the region of rojava in recent years, is in line with what many latin american social movements are doing. (shared on our facebook page here ) 4) marichuy could be the first indigenous woman president of mexico (barbara sostaita/feministing) a 53-year-old indigenous woman is running for president of mexico. maría de jesús patricio martínez, known to most as “marichuy,” is a traditional nahua healer from southern jalisco, and could become the first indigenous woman elected to mexico’s highest office. 5) video – pioneering argentinian filmmaker fernando birri dies at 92 (amy goodman/democracy now!) pioneering argentinian filmmaker fernando birri has died. he’s considered the father of the new latin american cinema, which challenged hollywood and focused on the lives of the oppressed in latin america. along with gabriel garcía márquez and others, birri founded the international school of film and television in cuba and served as the school’s first director. (shared on our facebook page here ) 6) video – a massacre of farmers in us-colombia ‘war on drugs’ (empire files/telesur english) the empire files’ abby martin goes on-the-ground to investigate the 5 october 2017 tumaco massacre in colombia, interviewing witnesses and casualties. (shared on our website here ) 7) how brazil’s sex workers have been organized and politically effective for 30 years (amanda de lisio/upside down world) in brazil, sex work remains politically and socially contentious. but thanks to a staunch sex worker movement in the country, the people who actually do the work have made themselves key contributors to the debate. it is a movement which has informed political policy, affected legislation in urban reform and sexual healthcare and fought tirelessly for the full recognition of sex work as a profession. 8) best albums of 2017 (s&c team/sounds and colours) if you’ve been following sounds and colours since the start you’ll know that we started off by focusing on south american music. the reason for this was simple: we wanted to show that there was an incredible amount of great music being made in south america that was distinct from the latino music of the us the plot against honduras by nick macwilliam | 2018-02-03t15:39:15+00:00 21/december/2017 | amid the crisis enveloping honduras over november’s apparently-rigged presidential election, the international groundwork is being laid to install a new rightwing government that will exacerbate ongoing social and political tensions. the electoral crisis that has left honduras reeling shows few signs of consensual resolution. even in a country whose recent history is marked by social violence, political instability and external meddling, the current situation threatens to eradicate any dwindling vestige of democratic process that the country purportedly upholds. with ruling party and opposition at loggerheads and tension building over the alleged election fix, a dangerous impasse has occurred. something must give, yet nothing suggests either side will blink first. it is the latest blow inflicted on honduran ‘democracy’ following the 2009 coup against elected president manuel zelaya, whose policies included expansive social programmes, land reform and closer relations with venezuela and cuba. zelaya’s removal – with the assistance and approval of the obama administration – opened the way for his successor, porfirio lobo sosa of the conservative national party, to implement a series of neoliberal and securitisation programmes. this exacerbated already-high levels of inequality and social violence that cemented one of the world’s highest murder rates. with the fallout from the disputed election on 26 november, the country has again been plunged into turmoil. supporters of opposition candidate salvador nasralla, of centre-left coalition the alliance against dictatorship, believe he won the election. to recap, with over half the votes counted nasralla had a five per cent lead over his rival, sitting president juan orlando hernández of the national party. however, long and unexplained delays at the supreme electoral tribunal (tse), which is responsible for the election, raised suspicions of vote-rigging. these suspicions intensified once counting restarted and hernández appeared in the lead. with the tse under government control, and after a tse official had called nasralla’s lead ‘irreversible’, the opposition demanded a recount. nasralla supporters staged mass protests in which security forces so far have killed at least 20 people. nonetheless, on 17 december the tse declared hernández the winner, a verdict immediately rejected by the opposition. the have cited an ‘electoral coup’ in progress, while nasralla himself has even warned that the crisis could descend into civil war. the organisation of american states (oas) backed calls for a recount, citing the ‘poor quality’ election. this appeared to further legitimise opposition demands and cast doubt on the ‘victory’ of the national party. when even the oas, a continental institution discredited in much of latin america for its historic role in upholding us interests in the region, expresses concern over possible bias towards the pro-washington candidate, there is surely a solid case to restage the election. as oas secretary general luis almagro – no ally of the latin american left – said, ‘facing the impossibility of determining a winner, the only way possible that the people of honduras are the victors is a new call for general elections’. ongoing developments, however, suggest this is unlikely to happen and that the photography kiev, 26 may 2018 by alborada staff | 2018-05-27t10:50:23+00:00 27/may/2018 | liverpool supporters attending the champions league final carry banners in solidarity with brazilian former president lula da silva and catalan political prisoners. polls show that if lula ran in this year’s presidential election, he would win by a landslide and restore the workers’ party to government. visit our photography homepage video aleida guevara: we are very free in cuba by umaar kazmi | 2018-04-02t18:12:18+00:00 11/march/2018 | how can there be someone who thinks a country is tyrannical when that country is dedicated to teaching its people and ensuring they have the best education? dr aleida guevara, medical campaigner and daughter of ernesto ‘che’ guevara, shares her thoughts in an exclusive alborada interview with umaar kazmi . full interview to follow. watch other clips here . visit our video homepage sign up for our e-newsletter get the latest on events, special offers and news from alborada. follow @alboradanet tweets by alboradanet photography kiev, 26 may 2018 by alborada staff | 2018-05-27t10:50:23+00:00 27/may/2018 | liverpool supporters attending the champions league final carry banners in solidarity with brazilian former president lula da silva and catalan political prisoners. polls show that if lula ran in this year’s presidential election, he would win by a landslide and restore the workers’ party to government. visit our photography homepage kiev, 26 may 2018 by alborada staff | 2018-05-27t10:50:23+00:00 27/may/2018 | liverpool supporters attending the champions league final carry banners in solidarity with brazilian former president lula da silva and catalan political prisoners. polls show that if lula ran in this year’s presidential election, he would win by a landslide and restore the workers’ party to government. visit our photography homepage video aleida guevara: we are very free in cuba by umaar kazmi | 2018-04-02t18:12:18+00:00 11/march/2018 | how can there be someone who thinks a country is tyrannical when that country is dedicated to teaching its people and ensuring they have the best education? dr aleida guevara, medical campaigner and daughter of ernesto ‘che’ guevara, shares her thoughts in an exclusive alborada interview with umaar kazmi . full interview to follow. watch other clips here . visit our video homepage aleida guevara: we are very free in cuba by umaar kazmi | 2018-04-02t18:12:18+00:00 11/march/2018 | how can there be someone who thinks a country is tyrannical when that country is dedicated to teaching its people and ensuring they have the best education? dr aleida guevara, medical campaigner and daughter of ernesto ‘che’ guevara, shares her thoughts in an exclusive alborada interview with umaar kazmi . full interview to follow. watch other clips here . visit our video homepage alborada is an independent voice on latin american politics, media and culture. we provide a progressive take on the region, offering perspectives rarely found in the mainstream. to continue our work we need your support. support alborada alborada e-newsletter keep up-to-date with the latest alborada news and events.

URL analysis for alborada.net


https://alborada.net/about/
https://alborada.net/mag-about/
https://alborada.net/best-of-the-web-february-2018/
https://alborada.net/playlists/
https://alborada.net/tumaco-massacre-farmers-drugs-colombia/
https://alborada.net/mag/
https://alborada.net/venezuela-elections-chavez-maduro-media/
https://alborada.net/author/juanmariodiaz/
https://alborada.net/honduras-crisis-election-2017-trump/
https://alborada.net/aleida-guevara-liberty-cuba-interview/
https://alborada.net/watch
https://alborada.net/product/alborada-t-shirt/
https://alborada.net/author/umaarkazmi/
https://alborada.net/best-of-the-web
https://alborada.net/photography
la-tabla.blogspot.co.uk
lab.org.uk
redpepper.org.uk
newsocialist.org.uk
theprisma.co.uk
caat.org.uk

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Domain Name: ALBORADA.NET
Registry Domain ID: 1554634527_DOMAIN_NET-VRSN
Registrar WHOIS Server: whois.ascio.com
Registrar URL: http://www.ascio.com
Updated Date: 2017-05-05T16:52:53Z
Creation Date: 2009-05-06T12:21:15Z
Registry Expiry Date: 2019-05-06T12:21:15Z
Registrar: Ascio Technologies, Inc. Danmark - Filial af Ascio technologies, Inc. USA
Registrar IANA ID: 106
Registrar Abuse Contact Email: [email protected]
Registrar Abuse Contact Phone: +442070159370
Domain Status: ok https://icann.org/epp#ok
Name Server: NS1.NAMECITY.COM
Name Server: NS2.NAMECITY.COM
DNSSEC: unsigned
URL of the ICANN Whois Inaccuracy Complaint Form: https://www.icann.org/wicf/
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  REGISTRAR Ascio Technologies, Inc. Danmark - Filial af Ascio technologies, Inc. USA

SERVERS

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  ARGS domain =alborada.net

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  NAME alborada.net

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